WorldCat Identities

Finger, William R.

Overview
Works: 53 works in 68 publications in 1 language and 1,022 library holdings
Genres: Comic books, strips, etc  Comics (Graphic works)  Superhero comics  Graphic novels  Juvenile works  Fiction  Case studies  Conference papers and proceedings  Oral histories  Interviews 
Roles: Interviewer, Author
Classifications: HD9136, 338.4767970973
Publication Timeline
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Most widely held works about William R Finger
 
Most widely held works by William R Finger
The Tobacco industry in transition : policies for the 1980s( Book )

9 editions published between 1981 and 1982 in English and held by 362 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Batman/Superman by Greg Pak( Book )

2 editions published in 2016 in English and held by 128 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"Now that the truth is out and world knows that Superman is Clark Kent, the one-time mild-mannered reporter is a wanted man. From the thugs of Metropolis, to the boys in blue, everybody wants a piece of Superman. And with threats to his freedom constantly closing in on him, Superman must also face a new form of evil that appears to be coming from the home of one of his greatest allies--Gotham City! But instead of finding the Batman he's known for years, Superman is met by a new Dark Knight--James Gordon! Find out whether Superman and this new Batman will be friends or foes in this, the first meeting of the World's Finest superheroes in the DCU's new status quo! Written by acclaimed writer Greg Pak (ACTION COMICS) with art by Adrian Syaf (BRIGHTEST DAY). Collects DC SNEAK PEEK: BATMAN/SUPERMAN #1 and BATMAN/SUPERMAN #21-27"--
Monster mayhem by Steven Korté( Book )

2 editions published in 2016 in English and held by 114 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"It’s Halloween night in Gotham City, and the streets are full of monsters--real ones! Batman is battling a crime spree being carried out by the spookiest villains in town--Scarecrow, Clayface, Solomon Grundy, and Silver Banshee--who are all secretly working for the Joker. The evil mastermind wants to unleash a computer virus that will make all technology cackle and obey his every command! The Joker thinks he’s in for a Halloween treat, but Batman has a trick up his sleeve: his pals Green Arrow, Cyborg, Nightwing, and Red Robin are joining him to fight back! Can they save Gotham City before it’s too late? Find out in this novelization that includes eight pages of full-color stills from the Monster Mayhem Batman animated film..."--
All-star Batman by Scott Snyder( Book )

1 edition published in 2017 in English and held by 88 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"Batman finds himself trying to help old friend Harvey Dent ... now known as the villainous Two-Face. The Dark Knight accompanies his foe on a cross-country trip to fix his scarred face and hopefully end the Two-Face identity forever. But when the former Gotham City D.A. sets a plan into motion to free himself, the road gets bumpy and every assassin, bounty hunter and ordinary citizen with something to hide comes out in force with one goal: kill Batman! Handcuffed together on the road to Bat-hell, this is Batman and Two-Face as you've never seen them before!"--
Critical issues in K-12 service learning : case studies and reflections by Gita Gulati-Partee( Book )

2 editions published in 1996 in English and held by 36 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This compilation includes practical and transferable principles that can be used by service-learning practitioners. The 39 case studies and personal essays in the compilation are organized around critical issues in strengthening long-term institutional and community support for k-12 service-learning programs. Each article describes how the issue has been addressed in a particular program and outlines successes and challenges, strategies used, and resources leveraged. Some of the articles in the compilation are: "Opening the Dialogue between Schools and Community" (Jennie Niles; William Finger); "Defining Community" (Barbara Wysocki); "Designing Meaningful Projects That Meet Community Needs" (Johnny Irizarry); "Sustaining Service-Learning through Political Change" (Fritz Crabb);"Integrating Service-Learning into the School Culture" (Joan Braun); "Service-Learning as Educational Reform" (Andrew Furco); "Matching Students with Service Sites" (Kathy Heffron); "Fundraising and Collaboration" (Janis Fries-Martinez); "Evaluation Helps Programs Function Better" (L. Richard Bradley); "Integrating Service-Learning across the Curriculum" (Dennis Brunton); "Under Construction: Knowledgeable, Committed, and Active Citizens" (Helen A. Finken); "Reflection Leads to Real Learning" (Wayne Harvey); "Training Faculty in the Principles and Practice of Service-Learning" (Elizabeth Gibbs); "Coaching Students to Be Leaders" (Lana Borders Hollinger); "Parents as Partners in Youth Programming" (Brenda Cowan); "How Do You Assess Service-Learning?" (Anne Purdy); "Networking -- a Path for Teacher Renewal" (Elizabeth Gibbs); "Constructivist Professional Development" (Louise Giugliano; Jean di Sabatino); and "Community Partnerships in Service-Based Experiential Learning" (Robert L. Sigmon). "Other Resource Organizations for k-12 Experimental Education" are appended. (Bt)
Highlights and recommendations from Making It Happen, Statewide Convocation of Community Leaders to Prevent Heart Disease and Stroke by William R Finger( Book )

2 editions published in 1996 in English and held by 15 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Oral history interview with Zeno Ponder, March 22, 1974 : interview A-0326, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by Zeno Ponder( )

1 edition published in 2006 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Zeno Ponder helped rebuild the Democratic Party in western North Carolina in the 1950s and is considered one of the most respected and influential leaders of Madison County. The interview begins with his descriptions of his family heritage in the mountains and of local Democratic and Republican traditions. Like many in the region at the time, his father and brother supported the Union during the Civil War. Ponder recounts going to small schools during the Depression and attending Mars Hill College. He also recalls the local employment situation during the Depression and during World War II. He and his wife trained as chemists, but he decided to return to Madison to farm. He became involved in county political organization by teaching in a GI training program following the Second World War. Working on his brother's run for sheriff solidified Ponder's loyalty to the Democratic Party. The latter portion of the interview describes the growth of Ponder's farm and personal wealth and unique aspects of the political culture in the North Carolina mountains. It ends with his description of the 360-degree mountain view from his living room
Oral history interview with John Seigenthaler, December 24 and 26, 1974 : interview A-0330, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by John Seigenthaler( )

1 edition published in 2006 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

John Seigenthaler grew up in Nashville, Tennessee, during the late 1920s and 1930s. He begins the interview by recalling his growing awareness of racial injustice in the South during the mid-1940s, explaining that his observations of racism inspired him to pursue a career as a writer. Seigenthaler recounts his childhood awareness of local politics, offering several anecdotes regarding his uncle's interactions with Edward Hull "Boss" Crump of Memphis and his own early proclivity for progressive politics. In 1949, Seigenthaler became a reporter for The Tennessean, a major Nashville newspaper. Arguing that it was a progressive southern newspaper, Seigenthaler speaks at length about journalism in the South. During the 1950s, Seigenthaler became a renowned investigative reporter; he offers vignettes about some of his most memorable investigations, including the unveiling of voter fraud in a rural Appalachian county, the murder of an African American man by a white cab driver in Camden, Tennessee, and his confrontation with the Teamsters in that state. The latter investigation brought him into contact with Robert F. Kennedy in the late 1950s. The two men forged a strong working relationship and personal friendship, and in 1960, Seigenthaler helped to campaign for John F. Kennedy's presidential run. Shortly after the election, Seigenthaler declined a position as newly-appointed Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy's press secretary, preferring to keep journalism and politics separate. Still, he wanted to work for the administration, so he accepted a job as RFK's administrative assistant instead. During his short tenure working for the Justice Department, Seigenthaler played an instrumental role in negotiating with Alabama Governor John Patterson and Eugene "Bull" Connor for the safe passage of the Freedom Riders in 1961, which he describes in detail. In 1962, Seigenthaler left the Justice Department to become the editor of The Tennessean. He speaks at length and in great detail about the changing nature of southern journalism during the 1960s and 1970s, paying particular attention to the impact of cultural homogenization and the corporate takeover of regional newspapers. According to Seigenthaler, during the 1960s and early 1970s, racism and poverty were not problems for the South alone but for the nation as a whole. In addition, Seigenthaler laments that the trend toward moderation in national politics would limit social justice activism. The interview concludes with Seigenthaler's commentary about Robert F. Kennedy's assassination and his role in Kennedy's 1968 presidential campaign
Oral history interview with Wilbur Hobby, March 13, 1975 : interview E-0006, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by Wilbur Hobby( )

1 edition published in 2007 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Wilbur Hobby was born in Durham, North Carolina, in 1925. In the early 1930s, Hobby's father, a bricklayer, deserted his mother, leaving her to raise five sons on her own. Hobby describes growing up impoverished in the Edgemont section of Durham, where most of his friends had parents who worked in the tobacco or textile mills. Hobby remained in school through the ninth grade only, dropping out after spending a summer in Ohio working as a bat boy for the Durham Bulls. Shortly after leaving school, Hobby's mother signed a waiver for him to join the Navy at the age of seventeen, and he served in the South Pacific during World War II. He returned to Durham following the war and worked briefly with his father as a bricklayer before becoming employed by the American Tobacco Company. During these years, Hobby married. Although he argues that he had little awareness of the labor movement, with only foggy memories of the 1934 general strike as it occurred in Durham, Hobby explains how he became increasingly involved in labor politics during the late 1940s. Joining the union at the American Tobacco Company in 1946, he soon became actively involved and was eventually elected president of the night shift workers. From there, Hobby became an active participant in the Voters for Better Government in Durham, a coalition of laborers, African Americans, and liberal intellectuals from Duke University. Hobby describes how they became a formidable force in local politics during the late 1940s and 1950s. In addition, Hobby discusses his involvement with other labor organizations, such as Labor's League for Political Education (LLPE) and the Committee for Public Education (COPE). In 1958/1959, Hobby worked briefly for the textile unions in Florida and Georgia after he was fired from the American Tobacco Company. Because of his work with both tobacco and textile unions and the Voters for Better Government, Hobby had become well known enough in the movement to become elected as director of COPE in 1959--a position he held until 1969
Oral history interview with Lawrence Rogin, November 2, 1975 : interview E-0013, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by Lawrence Rogin( )

1 edition published in 2007 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Born in 1909, Lawrence Rogin grew up in New York with Russian Jewish immigrant parents. Rogin begins the interview by briefly discussing his family background, stressing the involvement of his parents and his aunt in radical politics. In 1926, Rogin entered Columbia University and became active in communist and socialist clubs on campus. In the process, he became increasingly interested in the labor movement and its association with radical politics. During the late 1920s and early 1930s, while he was finishing graduate work in political science, Rogin began to participate directly in the labor movement. He discusses his work at the Brookwood Labor College in Katonah, New York, and with the Central Labor Union in Reading, Pennsylvania. It was his experience with these two organizations that gave Rogin a firm foundation in labor education. Around 1937, he accepted a position with the Hosiery Workers' Union, and he began to help organize hosiery workers throughout the South. He continued in this position until 1956, during which time he was primarily based in Charlotte, North Carolina. He describes his initial perceptions of the South, his thoughts on the state of the textile industry in that region, and labor education workshops held throughout the South. In addition to outlining mill conditions and assessing particular strikes, Rogin describes the leadership role of such activists as Emil Rieve, George Baldanzi, Scott Hoyman, Alfred "Tiny" Hoffman, Myles Horton, Joe Pedigo, and Roy Lawrence. After leaving the Hosiery Workers' Union in 1956, Rogin worked as the education director of the AFL-CIO and taught at Wayne State University. He concludes the interview with a brief assessment of the importance of labor education and its neglect by the American labor movement
Oral history interview with David Burgess, September 25, 1974 : interview E-0001, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by David S Burgess( )

1 edition published in 2006 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Following his early life in China as a child of missionary parents, David Burgess returned to the United States to attend Oberlin College and Union Theological Seminary, where he cultivated a social activist worldview. His religious beliefs dovetailed with his social activism: Burgess explains how his educational background initially led him to conscientiously object to World War II. However, his ideological intimacy with Union Theological Seminary professor Reinhold Niebuhr caused Burgess to enter the military draft. Because of health reasons, however, he was not admitted to the military. Burgess' relationship with Niebuhr also had a profound impact on his later labor activism. Burgess and his wife, Alice Stevens, eventually moved to south Florida to focus on southern labor issues. He worked tirelessly to improve the working conditions, political options, and housing status of southern workers. Burgess discusses obstacles to labor organizing he faced in the South, including charges that he was a communist. He discusses his organizational and administrative work with the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), largely in Rock Hill, South Carolina, and Atlanta, Georgia, during the late 1940s and early 1950s. During this time, Burgess began to alter his perception of larger labor groups like the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and the CIO. Working as a CIO administrator placed him in a difficult position as an enemy to both black and white workers. Burgess blames the lack of organizational strength of the CIO on Walter Reuther's leadership. As the CIO and AFL merged, Reuther failed to maintain labor organizing as the center focus of the labor group. Burgess came to view the AFL-CIO merger as the beginning of further racial and inter-union frictions and a decline in idealism. In 1955, Burgess requested a labor ambassadorship to Burma. Despite being rejected because of his affiliation with communist groups, Burgess conducted international labor work until the late 1970s. Burgess assesses the racial and social changes in the South following his return in 1977
Oral history interview with Scott Hoyman, July 16, 1974 : interview E-0010, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by Scott Hoyman( )

1 edition published in 2007 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Scott Hoyman began working for the Textile Workers Union of America (TWUA) during the 1940s. He had first become aware of the labor movement while living in Philadelphia and attending the Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania. During his first years of service with the TWUA, Hoyman worked in New England; however, he was transferred to the South during the early 1950s. Hoyman attributes this to divisions within the TWUA when two of its leaders, George Baldanzi and Emil Rieve, were at odds. The organization was divided in loyalty to these two factions, and Hoyman recalls that the division was largely regional in nature - more conservative New Englanders sided with Rieve because of their opposition to the more radical Baldanzi faction, which had a large following in the South. Hoyman speaks at length about the impact of this division on the TWUA, particularly on its membership and efforts to organize locals in the South during the 1950s and 1960s. Shortly after the initial split, Hoyman was sent to Greensboro and then Durham, North Carolina. In Durham, he worked with the Erwin mills in order to keep them from defecting to the United Textile Workers (UTW). Hoyman discusses the challenges he faced at the Erwin Mills and then shifts his focus to his work with the Cone mills in Greensboro, North Carolina. Hoyman was based in Greensboro from 1954 to 1960 but was never able to build a very firm basis of support for the TWUA among the Cone workers. Throughout the interview, he discusses the role of leadership within the TWUA and its efforts to organize in the South. In addition, he discusses how the labor movement evolved after he became the southern regional director of the TWUA in 1967. Focusing on his first major effort to organize workers as a regional director in Whiteville, North Carolina, Hoyman emphasizes the difficulties of organizing in the South after the Baldanzi-Rieve split
Oral history interview with John Russell, July 19, 1975 : interview E-0014-3, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by John Russell( )

1 edition published in 2007 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

John Russell was an organizer and executive board member of the Fur and Leather Workers Union before it merged with the Amalgamated Meat Cutters Union in 1955. Russell begins the interview by briefly describing the merger of those two labor organizations, discussing both the limitations and opportunities the merger posed for radical labor activists. Because of Amalgamated's association with the AFL-CIO, Russell explains how former Fur and Leather Workers had to temper their progressive approach to trade unionization and their adherence to radical politics. At the same time, however, the merger broadened their access to workers and allowed them a wider jurisdiction within the movement. He goes on to describe his work as an international representative for Amalgamated, focusing primarily on his work in North Carolina. In describing how he helped to organize a number of locals for poultry workers throughout the state, Russell explains important tactics such as negotiations and strikes as tools of the labor movement. In addition, Russell charts important changes within the movement and discusses such factors as the impact of the civil rights movement, the relationship between labor and anti-war activism during the Vietnam War, and the shift from production to service workers as the primary base of support for organization. Finally, he offers his thoughts on the relationship between politics and labor, emphasizing his belief that the electoral system was deeply flawed and limiting in terms of offering workers power
Oral history interview with Julius Fry, August 19, 1974 : interview E-0004, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by Julius Fry( )

1 edition published in 2006 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Julius Fry was born in Lumberton, North Carolina, in 1912. In 1927, Fry left school to work as a weaver in the Mansfield Mill, Inc. He describes working there during the early years of the Great Depression and his growing awareness of the labor movement. Fry explains that his first knowledge of the labor movement came with his observation of the textile strike in Gastonia in 1929. His interest in labor activism intensified during the early years of the Great Depression when he faced shortened hours and wage cuts as a textile worker. Fry describes the reaction of workers to the election of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the rise of the New Deal. In particular, Fry emphasizes the role of the National Recovery Administration and the Wagner Act as especially pivotal moments that shaped his thoughts on labor activism. Likening these measures to "emancipation of the slaves," he increasingly advocated for workers rights. In 1937, he participated in the organization of a union in Lumberton, North Carolina. Fry describes in detail how the union was founded, the role of labor organizer Miles Horton in garnering support for the union, the support of North Carolina Senator Robert R. Reynolds, and the reaction of Mansfield Mill, Inc. In 1943, Fry left his job in the textile mill to work full-time for the Textile Workers Union of America. He explains his job as a contract negotiator between unions and employers and his interaction with the War Labor Board
Oral history interview with John Russell, July 25, 1974 : interview E-0014-2, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by John Russell( )

1 edition published in 2007 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

John Russell was an organizer for the Fur and Leather Workers Union during the 1940s and 1950s. A member of the executive board during those years, Russell describes the events leading to the Fur and Leather Workers' merger with the Amalgamated Meat Cutters Union in 1955. Russell begins the interview by describing the Fur and Leather Workers heritage of radical politics and their strong southern presence, particularly in the mountain region of North Carolina and Tennessee. Russell discusses the Fur and Leather Workers' success in organizing strong locals throughout this region, including the Laundry Workers Strike of 1947 in Winston-Salem, North Carolina. Although that strike ultimately failed, Russell uses the event as a lens for understanding the strategies and tactics of the Fur and Leather Workers and to describe the strong support base they had. Throughout the interview, Russell focuses on the progressive thinking of the Fur and Leather Workers and argues that they had a strong vision for trade unionization. As a result, they supported Progressive presidential candidate Henry Wallace in 1948 while the mainstream labor movement loaned their support to Harry S. Truman. Because of their progressive politics (and their association with the Communist Party), Russell explains how the Fur and Leather Workers were increasingly prone to red-baiting by the late 1940s and early 1950s. Because of this, Russell argues that the executive board ultimately determined to fall in line with the mainstream movement by merging with the Amalgamated Meat Cutters (and by proxy the AFL-CIO) because they believed they could make a stronger impact by working within the movement rather than outside of it. In describing how the merger came to fruition, Russell focuses on the roles of various leaders of the Fur and Leather Workers, including Ben Gold, Abe Fineglass, and Irving Potash. Finally, Russell briefly discusses the aftermath of the merger and how AFL-CIO leaders like George Meany and Patrick Gorman affected the progressive approach of the former Fur and Leather Workers
Oral history interview with Jim Pierce, July 16, 1974 : interview E-0012-3, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by Jim Pierce( )

1 edition published in 2007 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Jim Pierce grew up near Ponca City, Oklahoma, during the late 1920s and 1930s. Pierce begins by speaking briefly about his experiences growing up in Oklahoma, paying particular attention to his Cherokee heritage (his mother was of Cherokee descent), his education, and his father's involvement in the AFL. Pierce describes how he attended "anti-CIO" meetings with his father during the 1930s, which piqued his interested in labor politics. During World War II, Pierce served in the Navy and developed a world view that tilted his interest in the labor movement more towards the "militant" side he had been indoctrinated against as a child. Following the war, Pierce began to work for Western Electric, and by 1947, he had moved to Fort Worth, Texas. Along with his fellow workers, Pierce joined the small local union called the National Federation of Telephone Workers. Not associated with a national organizing force like the AFL or CIO, this small union was typical of organization for workers such as he during these years. Pierce participated in a six-week-long strike with his union in 1947. The workers were victorious and shortly thereafter they joined the CIO. Around that time, Pierce became a leader in the local union as a strategy to keep his company from transferring him away from his ill wife and their infant child. From there, Pierce joined the staff of the CIO and worked in Texas, organizing local unions for the CIO until 1954, when the merger with AFL occurred. Pierce's growing interest in the civil rights movement and his continuing adherence to the more radical principles of labor politics prompted him to go to work for the International Union of Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers (IUE) at that point. Pierce remained in Texas for several years, organizing locals for the IUE, before taking a more regional approach. During the late 1950s and early 1960s, Pierce spent much time organizing workers in Florida for IUE and relocated to Charlotte, North Carolina. During the 1960s, Pierce continued to work with IUE, but through the jurisdiction of the AFL-CIO's Industrial Union Department (IUD). From 1963 to 1968, Pierce was the regional director of the IUD's effort to organize textile workers in the Southeast. In particular, he focuses on the brief effort of the IUD to organize migrant workers in Florida. Pierce had become increasingly interested in the problems of migrant workers during his career in the labor movement, and the decision of the IUD to halt its effort at organizing this group was a major factor in his decision to leave the IUD in 1968. Pierce concludes the interview by discussing his disillusionment (and simultaneous belief in) the labor movement, his thoughts on the future of labor activism and organization, and his work with the National Sharecroppers Fund during the late 1960s and the early 1970s
Oral history interview with Joseph D. Pedigo, April 2, 1975 : interview E-0011-1, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by Joseph D Pedigo( )

1 edition published in 2007 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Born in 1908, Joseph D. Pedigo was raised in Roanoke, Virginia, by a father who championed liberal ideas about race and class. In the late 1920s, Pedigo went to work for American Viscose--a synthetic fiber plant--where he soon brought his liberal ideas to bear. In 1931, he was among a small cohort of workers at American Viscose that began working towards the establishment of a union for the company's 4500 workers. Emphasizing the grassroots nature of their endeavors, Pedigo describes the challenges they faced in garnering a support base and how they succeeded in earning recognition of the local's collective bargaining power from the company. Pedigo worked at American Viscose until 1939, and over the course of the 1930s he remained an active participant and leader in the local union and became a member of the Socialist Party. He talks about the appeal of socialism and his adherence to radical politics; however, by the end of the decade, he had become disillusioned with the Party's singular focus on dissociating itself from the Communists, and he eventually cut ties with the Party. Pedigo also describes in detail his activities in the labor movement during these years, paying particular attention to his efforts at including African American workers in the union (an endeavor that ultimately brought him into contact with his later wife, Jennie Pedigo, who was also an active member of the movement) and his participation in flying squadrons during the 1934 general textile workers strike. In 1939, Pedigo was laid off from American Viscose and went to work for the newly formed Textile Workers Union of America (TWUA). Because of his active role in the local Roanoke union, he was well versed in the formation of national coalitions, such as the TWUA and the Textile Workers Organizing Committee (TWOC). Pedigo worked for TWUA as an organizer until 1952. In this interview, he focuses on several of his organizing endeavors, namely in Winchester and Danville, Virginia, and in Rome, Georgia. By the time he left the TWUA, he had developed a sophisticated organizing strategy that had been very successful in numerous areas. Pedigo concludes the interview by discussing how the Bandanzi-Rieve split affected the work of the TWUA and led to his being fired. Throughout the interview, he focuses on strategies and tactics in organizing textile workers and the role of various leaders in the movement
Oral history interview with Clark Foreman, November 16, 1974 : interview B-0003, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by Clark Foreman( )

1 edition published in 2006 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This interview covers three separate conversations with Clark Foreman regarding his career in race relations, public service, and politics. His childhood in Georgia and his travels in Europe led to his work for the Commission on Interracial Cooperation in Atlanta with Will Alexander. His enduring reputation as a radical and rumored communist began during his tenure with the Phelps-Stokes and Julius Rosenwald Funds. He acted out his growing commitment to integration and political equality while supervising New Deal projects for the Department of the Interior, the state parks, the interdepartmental committee on Negro affairs, and the power division of the Public Works Authority. This interview also addresses his attempts to provide more public housing for African Americans, and his opinion of leadership styles within the Interracial Commission and the Southern Conference for Human Welfare. He explains why the Southern Conference needed to endorse the Henry Wallace 1948 campaign, even though it was unsuccessful. He also compares the contributions of socialists and communists to the Southern Conference at state and national levels. Foreman lost jobs over false reports that he endorsed communism or was too aggressive in his work. The interview concludes with comments by Clark and Mairi Foreman about his work with Black Mountain College, the Navy, and the National Citizens PAC, especially focusing on how his children developed radical views during those years
Oral history interview with Howard Kester, July 22, 1974 : interview B-0007-1, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by Howard Kester( )

1 edition published in 2007 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Howard Kester was born in Virginia in 1904. Raised by his father, a merchant tailor and Klansman, and his religious mother, Kester left home to attend Lynchburg College during the early 1920s. During his time in college, Kester had the opportunity to tour war-torn Europe in 1923. After witnessing the devastation that World War I had wrought on Europe, Kester became a pacifist and abided by that philosophy for the rest of his life. Upon his return to Lynchburg, he became increasingly interested in race problems in the South. Likening the plight of Jews in Eastern Europe to that of African Americans in the South, Kester helped to organize the first interracial student group in the South. He describes in this interview how his efforts to find locales for interracial student meetings were often met with fierce opposition in the community. After graduating from Lynchburg, Kester continued to work for social justice causes. In addition to his hope of eliminating racial hatred, Kester became an advocate of the labor movement and began to seek ways of uniting African American and white workers in the South. During the 1920s and 1930s, Kester worked with such groups as the Fellowship of Reconciliation and the Fellowship of Southern Churchmen. In the early 1930s, he worked closely with the NAACP in order to investigate incidents of lynching throughout the South. Around the same time, he began to work closely with the Southern Tenant Farmers Union, helping to establish the Delta and Providence Farms. Throughout the interview, Kester emphasizes the importance of his Christian faith and his adherence to the Social Gospel to his thoughts on social justice. In the early 1930s, Kester joined the Socialist Party, but remained fiercely opposed to Communism and its infiltration into the labor movement because he believed it was not in tune with Christian values. Kester's recollections throughout the interview are revealing of the problems of race and labor in the South during these years. Moreover, he offers illuminating anecdotes and insightful assessments of other social justice leaders such as Reinhold Niebuhr, Will Alexander, Jesse Daniel Ames, Will Campbell, and his wife, Alice Harris Kester
Oral history interview with Lacy Wright, March 10, 1975 : interview E-0017, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007) by Lacy Wright( )

1 edition published in 2007 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Lacy Wright was born in Greensboro, North Carolina. At the age of twelve, Wright left school in order to start working to help support his family. Wright's father worked for Cone Mills in Greensboro and arranged for Wright to work at the White Oak plant where he worked. Wright explains that it was a common practice for children to work at the same plant as their parents. Wright explains how company paternalism in the mills and in the mill villages helped to facilitate family ties in the workplace: children compromised approximately one-fourth of the labor force in the Cone textile plants during this time. Except of a brief stint with the post office in the late 1920s and early 1930s, Wright worked only for Cone Mills from the late 1910s into the mid-1960s, when he retired. All but two of those years were spent in the White Oak plant. During these years, Wright also lived in Cone Mill villages. Throughout the interview he discusses what it was like to live in company housing, stressing the paternal role of Cone Mills in the lives of their workers. Aside from some efforts at organization and one short-lived strike during the late 1910s and early 1920s, Cone Mill workers largely stayed out of the labor movement until the 1950s. Decent wages and a low layoff rate kept them out of the 1934 general strike, say Wright. Nevertheless, Cone Mill workers were increasingly drawn into the labor movement during the 1950s when organizers from the United Textile Workers/American Federation of Labor and the Textile Workers of America/Congress for Industrial Organization competed for support amongst Cone Mills plants. Wright describes this process and explains his own growing involvement in the labor movement during his last years as a worker for Cone Mills. In addition, he describes his general support of unionization and outlines what he perceives as unique challenges of labor organization in the South
 
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Alternative Names
Finger, Bill

Languages
English (33)