WorldCat Identities

London School of Economics and Political Science Crisis States Research Centre

Works: 85 works in 117 publications in 1 language and 373 library holdings
Genres: History  Conference papers and proceedings 
Classifications: P92.2, 302.23091742
Publication Timeline
Most widely held works by London School of Economics and Political Science
Why templates for media development do not work in crisis states : defining and understanding media development strategies in post-war and crisis states by James Putzel( Book )

1 edition published in 2006 in English and held by 11 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Inclusive elite bargains and civil war avoidance : the case of Zambia by Stefan Lindemann( Book )

3 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 10 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Tribal security system (Arbakai) in southeast Afghanistan by Mohammed Osman Tariq( Book )

2 editions published in 2008 in English and held by 7 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The open city : social networks and violence in Karachi by Azmat Ali Budhani( Book )

1 edition published in 2010 in English and held by 7 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The eye of the storm : cities in the vortex of Afghanistan's civil wars by Antonio Giustozzi( Book )

1 edition published in 2009 in English and held by 7 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

In this paper Afghanistan expert Antonio Giustozzi examines the turbulent relationship between cities, local leaders and 'warlords'. He explores how this has affected the emergence of states and the re-establishment of state-like polities in the country. The author takes an urban perspective on the conflict in Afghanistan and provides an overview of the evolution of urban-rural relationships, the role of armed groups and the impact of non-state actors and foreign intervention on Afghanistan's civil wars. He concludes that in periods of state weakness or disintegration, the domination of cities over rural areas, or vice-versa, was fluid until 2001 when foreign intervention re-empowered the cities and encouraged the urban elites to distance themselves from village-based power groups. This research suggests that, although close collaboration between cities and powerful rural warlords was not realized in Afghanistan, some form of cooperation did exist. This cooperation indicates there was the potential to bring about a monopoly of violence, professional skills and resources, all of which have been essential components for the emergence of states in many regions of the world. This paper raises important and difficult questions regarding the impact of foreign intervention on processes of state integration and highlights the need to consider more closely the possibility of different outcomes if foreign intervention did not occur
The tormented triangle : the regionalisation of conflict in Sudan, Chad and the Central African Republic by Jennifer Giroux( Book )

2 editions published in 2009 in English and held by 7 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

In 2005, increased violence in Chad and the Central Africa Republic (CAR) attracted media attention that lead to human rights advocates and some analysts describing these conflicts as a simple "spill-over" from the war in Darfur or the "Darfurization" of the region. Today, this "Darfurization" thesis has been deconstructed and discredited, as a number of recent studies have elucidated the intrinsic roots of the conflicts in Chad and CAR. This paper argues that the conflicts in Darfur, eastern Chad, and north-eastern CAR have become so interwoven that they are scarcely separable from one another and actually form one regional conflict system rather than three distinct conflicts. The aim of this paper is to make sense of regionalised conflict in north-central Africa, in particular the structural factors that caused it and the dynamics sustaining it. The first section provides a descriptive account of how the Tormented Triangle took shape through a series of key events that led to the regionalisation of conflict in north-central Africa, whereas the following section delves deeper by highlighting the different structural elements pertaining to why the Tormented Triangle emerged. In section IV we explore how some scholars have understood the emergence of regional conflict formations and whether such concepts are helpful for the understanding of the Tormented Triangle. The conclusion outlines a number of policy implications for conflict management and resolution in the context of regionalized conflicts in north-central Africa
Buffer zone, colonial enclave or urban hub? : Quetta : between four regions and two wars by Haris Gazdar( Book )

2 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 7 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Quetta straddles four significant historical regions and plays a role in two major armed conflicts - the war in Afghanistan, and the Baloch nationalist insurgency in Pakistan. The city itself has remained relatively peaceful, though a closer look reveals the ways in which the two wars have encroached upon urban life. Quetta is an international border post as well as an internal buffer zone between major ethnic groups. It is a colonial enclave that was originally populated for the purposes of subduing its expansive tribal hinterland. The city is also an urban hub where possibilities of modern political development have been imagined and pursued, and one which bears potential for the appropriation and disbursal of massive economic rents. An analysis of Quetta's geography, history and institutional development shows that three aspects of the city's character - border/buffer zone, colonial enclave and urban hub - have remained significant through its evolution since the late 19th century. A description of the city and its context enables the identification of the various elites and non-elites that have a stake in Quetta and in projects of state-building and state-breaking in its hinterland. The colliding and overlapping interests of the Pakistan central state, its military and political elites, provincial patrons, Baloch and Pashtun ethnic nationalists, settlers, Afghan migrants, and Islamic clerics have shaped Quetta's contributions to state-building in Balochistan, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Whether it is the border/buffer zone, colonial enclave or urban hub that prevails depends on the balance of power between and alignments within these various elites
The dissipation of political capital among Afghanistan's Hazaras, 2001-2009 by Niamatullah Ibrahimi( Book )

1 edition published in 2009 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

District creation and decentralisation in Uganda by Elliott Green( Book )

1 edition published in 2008 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Measuring poor state performance : problems, perspectives and paths ahead( Book )

1 edition published in 2011 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Kyrgyzstan in crisis : permanent revolution and the curse of nationalism by Anna Matveeva( Book )

2 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Kyrgyzstan is mostly known to the world as a host to both US and Russian military bases; but also offers the possibility to explore the interrelationship between the weakening of the state and the rise of politicized ethnicity. This led to massive clashes in June 2010 in the South. This was the most dramatic, but not the only occasion of political turbulence. Kyrgyzstan has been the only post-Soviet country that has survived two forceful regime changes since independence. Other countries that experienced 'color revolutions' in the 2000s, Ukraine and Georgia, achieved a certain degree of stabilization, while Kyrgyzstan suffered the worst interethnic clashes at a time when it seemed that the period of rampant nationalism, characteristic of the former Soviet republics in the early 1990s, was over. This paper follows the political trajectory of the state, which entered a crisis and shows few signs of stabilization. It deals with this from two perspectives, from within the analytical framework of the Crisis States Research Centre: as a fragile state; and with the rise in politicized ethnicity, through an exploration of nationalism. The study is based both on available written sources, and the author's interviews and field observations carried out in Kyrgyzstan in 2009 and from May to July 2010
Gulu town in war-- and peace? : displacement, humanitarianism and post-war crisis by Adam Branch( Book )

2 editions published in 2008 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration of ex-combatants (DDR) in Afghanistan : constraints and limited capabilities by Simonetta Rossi( Book )

3 editions published in 2006 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

After its introduction in the early 1990s, disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) experiences have been widely discussed in the scholarly and policy-oriented literature. It is generally recognised that the reintegration of ex-combatants is a complex process that has political, economic, social and psychological components. It is also recognised that combatants and communities have been transformed by wars, especially in countries where conflicts lasted for many years. In many countries, combatants have no memory of peacetime and sometimes those who committed atrocities in their own communities are unable to return to their areas of origin. Increasingly, it has been argued that as economic incentives have become the primary reason for fighting, the same prevails in the demobilisation and reintegration of combatants into society: especially in the long term, once the general security environment and political process are on the right track. As demonstrated from the outset of the DDR programmes in the Nicaraguan experience, political choices that do not take into account a proper reintegration of ex-combatants can lead to a resumption of hostilities. Under the new government elected in 1990s, the "Contras" were marginalised by the new ruling business elites that had once backed them. Frustrated by the failure to fulfil the promises of reintegration, a substantial number resumed the war in the north of the country. At the same time, soldiers dismissed from the Sandinista army, without having received any concrete offer of reintegration, reorganised themselves into new armed groups and joined the war as well
Negotiating with the Taliban : toward a solution for the Afghan conflict by Talatbek Masadykov( Book )

2 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This paper discusses the debate on reconciliation and negotiations with the Taliban, its future prospects and the role of the United Nations within it. It provides an outline of the current conflict as well as a discussion of the role of the UN and ISAF within it, from both a political and a legal perspective. We argue that the very fact the conflict in its various phases has been going on for so long offers opportunities for reconciliation. The bulk of the paper is inevitably dedicated to analysing the position of the different actors vis-à-vis negotiations. We deal with both pro-Afghan government and anti-government players, as well as with international actors. We review in detail past initiatives aimed towards reconciliation and explain why they did not succeed. In our conclusion we highlight some possible future steps to be taken
At the sources of factionalism and civil war in Hazarajat by Niamatullah Ibrahimi( Book )

1 edition published in 2009 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Following the defeat of the central government of the Hizb-i Demokratik-i Khalq (HDK) in Kabul through spontaneous local rebellion in 1979, Hazarajat, the central highlands inhabited by the Hazara people, was mostly abandoned and left in the hands of several mujahedin organizations. These organizations were predominantly created and led by the Shiite clergy and represented different clerical networks and ideologies. Historically the region was dominated by the khans, the landlords that in collaboration with the clergy liberated the region from government control in 1979. The khans were soon marginalized by this more organized and motivated clergy that then rose as the dominant political force. This paper will first attempt to explain why radical clericalism became the dominant political and ideological force in Hazarajat. It will then examine why the conflict started, and why it lasted so long. Finally, it will try to explain why no single faction in the civil war succeeded in emerging victorious and imposing a new order in Hazarajat. The argument of this paper is that the succession of civil wars in Hazarajat was the result of a complete absence of social and political networks from the region, which in turn derived from the prevalence of vertical connections between the local rulers (the khans) and the state. Only the clergy had relatively wide networks including many local communities, but these only covered relatively small areas within Hazarajat
Economic initiatives to tackle conflict : bringing politics back in by David Keen( Book )

2 editions published in 2009 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Creole and tribal designs : Dar es Salaam and Kampala as ethnic cities in coalescing nation states by Deborah Fahy Bryceson( Book )

2 editions published in 2008 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Urban politics, conspiracy and reform in Nampula, Mozambique by Jason Sumich( Book )

1 edition published in 2009 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The peacemaking effectiveness of regional organisations by Laurie Nathan( Book )

3 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Our overall conclusion is that an organisation's peacemaking effectiveness depends largely on whether its members want the organisation to be effective and on whether they have the political trust and cohesion that are needed to make it effective in the realm of peace and security. The paper is organised as follows. The first section clarifies what is meant by 'effectiveness' and discusses the difficulties in determining the impact of regional organisations on peace and stability. The following section illustrates the variations in the peacemaking effectiveness of these bodies by considering a geographic spread of cases: namely ASEAN, the EU, IGAD, SAARC and SADC. A third section explores state interests and the external logic, while the fourth examines common values and the internal logic. The final section presents the conclusions
"Tribes" and warlords in southern Afghanistan, 1980-2005 by Antonio Giustozzi( Book )

2 editions published in 2006 in English and held by 4 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The distinction between different types of non-state actors on the basis of the presence or absence of an ideological background is today well established. virtually the whole literature clearly distinguishes ideological groups such as Maoist peasant armies or Islamist insurgent groups from their non-ideological counterparts. However, it is also necessary to distinguish different "ideal types" within the ranks of the latter, such as warlords and strongmen. While both are charismatic leaders who build a personal following, what characterises warlords is their leadership is exercised over the military class. In other words, their strength is their military legitimacy. This, together with their control over a territory, gives them in turn a political role, but without the benefits of political legitimacy. By contrast, strongmen do no have a military background, although they have armed followers whom they mainly use to coerce obedience from the surrounding population. They might have a degree of political legitimacy, since they might come from notable families or might claim a "traditional" role (i.e. tribal leaders, etc.) and accept at least some of the social constraints, which come with it. In order to understand warlordism and the importance of the above distinctions in Afghanistan, we also need to look at parts of the country where warlordism did not find a fertile ground. The so-called "Pashtun belt" offers such a term of comparison. In this area, throughout the years of the jihad and civil war, few warlords emerged, and few of those who did lasted very long. Since the general conditions brought about by the war in this area were similar to those of the rest of the country it appears obvious that the weak presence of warlords must be due to local factors. Even when former military commanders of the government became autonomous and seized local political power, their military structures could not be sustained in the long term. The anthropological literature provides some hints in understanding why this might be
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Alternative Names
Crisis States Research Centre (London School of Economics and Political Science)

Development Research Centre, LSE

London School of Economics and Political Science. Crisis States Development Research Centre

LSE Crisis States Research Centre

English (35)