WorldCat Identities

Alsace, Juan A.

Overview
Works: 4 works in 7 publications in 1 language and 4 library holdings
Roles: Author
Classifications: U412.J1,
Publication Timeline
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Most widely held works by Juan A Alsace
Before the Looking Glass: An Informed Questions Paper on Kenyan Politics by Juan A Alsace( )

2 editions published in 2003 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Political scientist Angelique Haugerud has lived or worked in Kenya for 25 years and posits that those seeking even a shallow understanding of Kenyan politics must first appreciate the role of "baraza." At one level baraza is simply the omnipresent gathering of Kenyans, met for the purpose of interaction between the governed and the governors, be it the village conclave chaired by elders or the national address delivered by the president. But a baraza, typically unstructured in content yet stylized in form, reflects the tensions of Kenyan society and politics, a ying and yang of "security and danger, predictability and surprise, cohesion and conflict, conformity and creativity." The error, Haugerud argues, is that too often observers of Kenya will focus on one side of the baraza writ large. When Kenya in the 1970's and 1980's drew fulsome praise as a stable "island" in the sea of African continental turmoil, its internal social turbulence was ignored. Then, when political/social conflict surfaced in the 1990's, commentators suggested Kenya was in irreversible decay, overlooking the nation's considerable cohesiveness. In analyzing Kenya politics, allow for the mirror reflection, the apposite tendency that marks Kenyan political intercourse, and provides it a Carollian twist
To fetch a pail of water : can the U.S. help the world avert a water scarcity tumble? by Juan A Alsace( )

2 editions published in 2003 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Quite a few Americans lie awake at night, worried about terrorism, wondering where al-Qaeda might next strike. And they reach for a glass of water on the nightstand, to relieve a dry throat brought on by uncertain fears. But if Osama is a real enough bogeyman, his terror pales in comparison to a scenario that few Americans contemplate: what, if in reaching for that glass of water, there was no water to be had? In going about their daily lives Americans think little about the water they drink, cook with, or use to water their lawns. The occasional story of drought in the West, of shriveled crops, of water rationing in the East make barely a dent on the national consciousness. Water seems a given, flowing from the tap, swirling down the drain. Here then a cold bucket of water to rouse Americans from their complacency: within a generation's time nearly half the world's people could face water scarcity and the U.S. government has no national strategy in place to deal with the readily identifiable causes of this potential crisis. In a series of January 2003 conversations, several key players in the federal bureaucracy charged with formulating U.S. water policy made clear that the inter-agency decision-making process is, to date, focused only on the immediate consequences of water scarcity. Differing bureaucratic preferences and competing priorities, especially between but also within the Departments of Interior and State, was producing only partial, shortsighted policies lacking longterm strategic vision. The issue at hand is how to make and move through the bureaucracy a forward looking and comprehensive policy that balances U.S. domestic interests with foreign policy goals, while seriously addressing the causes of water scarcity. All agreed that it is in the national interest to focus on water scarcity as a strategic necessity and looked to the White House to provide the call to action
All Bush's Horses and All Bush's Men: How Far Should the U.S. Go to Help Put Colombia Back Together Again( )

1 edition published in 2003 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The Bush administration's new National Security Strategy (NSS) singles out by name only eighteen of the world's 191 nations and of those only a handful merit more than a word. The NSS' focus on the potential threat from Iraq, relations with China, or potential conflict between nuclear adversaries Pakistan and India will surprise no one. Few Americans would consider Colombia as a nation in which they have significant national interests beyond, perhaps, a vague awareness of Colombia as source for their daily fixes of illegal drugs or coffee. But Colombia could soon loom large in the American mind: the NSS signals administration intention to link the U.S. battle against drugs flowing out of Colombia to its wider war against terrorism, a shift in policy that has implications for the expenditure of U.S. treasure, influence and, possibly, lives. U.S. interest in Colombia prefigures September 11 but was focused by that date. The attacks of 9/11 underscored the threat posed by failed or failing states and which serve as potential launching pads for terrorist groups. Colombia, fragmented and wracked by violence, today teeters on the edge of implosion, raising the specter of a failed state on the U.S.' southern flank, posing a threat to U.S. national and regional interests. To defeat amorphous foes that include insurgency, terrorism, narco-trafficking and Colombia's own tortured history and help restore the security essential to Colombian stability, the challenge for the Bush administration is to find the right interventionist tools. Ironically, the legacy of past U.S. interventions in Latin America constrains U.S. options, and direct use of military force is not a realistic choice
In search of monsters to destroy : American empire in the new millennium by Juan A Alsace( )

2 editions published in 2003 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

With the coldly calculated use of terror, the perpetrators of September 11, 2001 served abrupt notice of challenge to United States global dominance. The seemingly easy path before Americans that had appeared to stretch out well into the 21st century - promising boundless economic growth, a worldwide embrace of U.S. values, an absence of rivals - stood blocked by the rubble in New York and Washington. In tallying the costs buried within the debris of 9/11, Americans need to look beyond the lost lives and shattered dreams and recognize that defense of the empire they possess will not come cheaply. But first they must accept the fact of empire. Those who argue the U.S. has no empire to uphold whistle past the graveyard, ignoring the historically unparalleled confluence of political, economic, military, and information power that have come together in the American imperial construct. The U.S. holds sway over the world, an empire inviting admiration, envy, and, as with all empires before it, challenge
 
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