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University of Texas at Arlington Center for Mexican American Studies

Works: 15 works in 15 publications in 1 language and 15 library holdings
Genres: Interviews  History  Music 
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Publications about University of Texas at Arlington
Publications by University of Texas at Arlington
Most widely held works by University of Texas at Arlington
Oral history interview with Leonel Castillo by Leonel Castillo( file )
1 edition published in 1996 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Leonel Castillo begins the interview by detailing his family background and his family's involvement in unions and politics. He notes his own political activities while attending St. Mary's University and details his experiences while working for the Peace Corps in the Visayas Islands in the Philippines. He discusses his field work with the Citizens Against Slum Housing (CASH) and the United Negro Protest Committee (UNPC) while attending the University of Pittsburgh. He mentions his work under Felix Fraga upon his return to Houston in 1967, and talks about his involvement in the Political Association of Spanish-speaking Organizations (PASSO) and the Southern Non-violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). He talks about his activities on the 'Coalition,' a group led by Don Horn, consisting of labor, AFL-CIO, Teamsters, liberal Democrats, the Council of Organizations, and PASSO to screen and support political candidates for office, such as Barbara Jordan and Lauro Cruz. Mr. Castillo shares his view on his role in the Mexican American Education Council (MAEC) and the creation of Huelga (strike) schools in protest of the Houston Independent School District's deceptive desegregation tactics. He comments on his involvement in the founding of the Houston International University, or University Without Walls, and other nonprofit organizations in the Houston area. He reveals details of his campaign and election as city controller for the city of Houston and his work with the mayor, Louis Welch. He addresses his work under the Carter administration as Commissioner for the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), refers to Victor Morales' U.S. Senate election campaign against incumbent Phil Gramm, and mentions such prominent Mexican Americans as Ben T. Reyes, Henry B. Gonzales, John Castillo, Frumencio Reyes, and Joe Bernal
Oral history interview with Jaime Martínez by Jaime Martínez( file )
1 edition published in 1997 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Jaime Martínez begins with his family's background and talks about an uncle, Bernabe Martínez, an early labor organizer of Comite Numero Cinco (Committee Number Five) who was killed by a Bexar county sheriff. He recalls joining his first organization, the Sociedad Mutualista Mexicana with his grandfather and his grandmother's appreciation for Franklin Delano Roosevelt. He reveals his musical background as a trumpet player in a number of bands, such as the Sunglows and the Deltones, touring the U.S. and Canada, playing for Paul Anka, and meeting legendary drummer Gene Krupa. He refers to the health problems he began experiencing because of his musician's lifestyle which led to his decision to settle down. He gives his views on the Vietnam War and explains his wanting to enlist in the military and later marching in San Antonio against the war in 1968. He discusses the International Union of Electrical Workers (IUE, now the IUE-AFL-CIO) Local 780 strike against the Friedrich Refrigeration Company (now the Friedrich Air Conditioning Company) in 1964 and the arrest of Leonora Silva. He talks about getting his first job with Friedrich in 1966 and his growing leadership role in the IUE. He elaborates upon the IUE organization levels and provides details of his own progression to union leadership. He describes his first trip to IUE headquarters in Washington, D.C., and his first union-organizing assignment in 1972 in Hendersonville, North Carolina. He explains the term Bowl Ware [sic, Boulwarism] as a form of union busting, citing the 1960 IUE strike against the Hendersonville General Electric Company plant. He recalls representing a member of the Hatfield family in a labor dispute and recounts an incident of harrassment from a Hendersonville deputy. He shares his experience in assisting Crystal Lee Sutton with the J. P. Stevens boycott [in Roanoke Rapids, N.C.] for the Textile Workers Union of America. He recounts his experience with race discrimination while organizing a union drive at the Westinghouse Electric Corporation plant in Louisville, Georgia. Mr. Martínez gives his reasons for his return to San Antonio in 1977 and the continuing of his union organizing efforts at the Temple Manufacturing plant. He expresses his enthusiasm about his work with Coordinadora, an organization for immigrant rights, pointing out the organization's stance against the brutality of police and border patrol officers, and describes the events of the Coordinadora '96 march in Austin and his subsequent health problems. He discusses his concerns over the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and his involvement in the National Labor Council of Latin American Advancement (LCLAA). He touches on the labor movement in Mexico and the presidency of Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas Solórzano, and details an incident as an election observer for the Alianza Cívica in Mexico. He shares details of his association with César Chávez and Henry B. Gonzales, particularly when he was up for election to the IUE executive board. He mentions such prominent civil rights activists and supporters as Martin Luther King, Jr., Lucille Banta, Ralph Abernathy, and Edward M. Kennedy
Oral history interview with Sergio L. De León by Sergio L De León( file )
1 edition published in 2003 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Sergio L. De León begins with his push for a bilingual campaign to stop illegal trash dumping in Tarrant County when he was a Tarrant County Constable. He provides his family's background and details of his childhood with a brief reference to the race discrimination he faced in Arkansas. He touches on his first political election win in 1990 to the Democratic Central Committee representing Union, Arkansas as a Township Committee Person. He covers his education and the time he took off to work for Bill Clinton's presidential campaign, noting particularly his work with the Democratic National committee in 1993. He talks about his return to Fort Worth, his work for Fort Worth City Councilman David F. Chappell prior to his unsuccessful attempt at election as Tarrant County Constable in 1996 against incumbent Jim Palmer, and his election as a delegate to the 1996 Democratic National Convention. He discusses his failed effort to be elected as a State Representative in 1998 against incumbent Sue Palmer and speaks briefly about the Alamo Heights Neighborhood Association and Citizens on Patrol (COP). He explains his participation in the Student Action Review Team and the changes he brought about in the policy to combat the problem of truancy. He refers to the assistance given to him by his political cohorts, Mario Pérez, Luke Ellis, and Joseph W. Bleeker and describes the neighborhoods included in his precinct since redistricting has taken place . He talks about his 1985 visit to then Governor Bill Clinton's office as the spark that ignited his fire for politics and mentions prominent Mexican American Henry Cisneros. De León discusses his campaign finances and strategies and assails Mexican American neighborhood leadership in Tarrant County for failing to seek local public office
Oral history interview with Nephtalí De León by Nephtalí De León( Book )
1 edition published in 1999 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Nephtalí De León expresses his views on Chicano culture and the underlying philosophy of his art and writing, noting its basis in the work of José Vasconcelos. He defines 'Aztlán' and explains the Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán (MEChA). He details his family background, his travels as a young man, and his own experiences with race discrimination. He connects pollution of the Rio Grande to the death of his own daughter and describes political turmoil of the Chicano movement in Texas. He highlights several incidents involving protest marches, strikes, and related arrests. He talks at length about his letter to President Richard Nixon, related correspondence with Bella Abzug and other public figures, and subsequent surveillance conducted by agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Secret Service. Mr. De León recalls his run for election to the city council in Lubbock as the Raza Unida Party candidate and refers to the Mexican American Conference held in El Paso in 1967 to address racial inequity and oppression. He refers to the death of Heriberto Terán (Terán/Naret) in Boulder, Colorado, and the murder of Orlando Letelier, Chilean ambassador to the United Nations. He mentions such prominent Hispanics as Rodolpho 'Corky' Gonzales, Cesar Chavez, Antonio Orendain, Ernesto 'Che' Guevara, Ruben Salazar, and Ricardo Mora
Oral history interview with Frances Terán by Frances Terán( file )
1 edition published in 1997 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Frances Terán begins with the background of the National Council of La Raza (NCLR) and explains the organization's purpose and financial backing. She describes the NCLR Texas Affiliate Network and talks about other Hispanic non-profit programs across the southwest, including the Texas Migrant Council. She discusses the criteria which must be met for community based organizations to become affiiliated with the NCLR and compares major foundations funding programs in Houston and Dallas which appear to favor the African American community over the Mexican American community. She covers her work with the Bexar County Metropolitan Youth Agency, the Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) program, and the Bexar County Local Development Corporation. She talks about a suit against Bexar County by the Bexar County Legal Aid Association requiring the county to fund assistance to the poor and about using CDBG funds through the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development to construct facilities to allow handicap accessibility to county buildings. She comments on Henry Cisneros' positive impact on San Antonio as its mayor and recalls her family background and childhood years, highlighting her meeting of Richard M. Nixon, Hubert H. Humphrey, Henry B. Gonzales, and George Bush. She credits Raul Yzaguirre's leadership at NCLR for the progress made on issues concerning Hispanic Americans and elaborates on a controversy based on funding from the Coors Foundation. She states her opinions about Levi Strauss and Company which closed its San Antonio plant in response to the organized labor efforts of the San Antonio Coalition of the United Force and Mujer Obrera. She notes the careful review NCLR gives to public issues and expresses her views on how the Hispanic community is perceived by the African American community. She mentions the Mexican and American Solidarity Foundation in relation to economic development issues between the United States and Mexico and points to El Paso and South Texas as natural benefactors of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the North American Development Bank. She cites the drop out rate of Mexican Americans and stresses the importance of meeting the educational needs of the Hispanic community. She concludes by pondering the future leadership of NCLR at the national level
Oral history interview with Blanca Sanchez Vela by Blanca Sanzhez Vela( Book )
1 edition published in 1996 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
The interview was conducted during the first year of Blanca Sanchez Vela's term as mayor of the city of Brownsville, Texas. Mayor Vela begins with her family background and early life in Harlingen, Texas, including the discrimination towards Mexican Americans she experienced in the Catholic schools run by the Sisters of Mercy and in Harlingen High School, which she attended. She talks of her budding teaching career before completing her college degree, getting married, and working in her husband's campaign for state representative against Menton Murray, Sr., after which she began seeking opportunities that would allow her to create change in her community. She discusses her board appointments and achievements as well as the reasons she ran for the office of Brownsville's mayor against incumbent Henry Gonzales. Through her own involvement, she influenced her children to become active in the Hispanic community and urged the same of her contemporaries, campaigning actively at the grass roots level for herself and fellow Mexican-Americans working for the betterment of Mexican-Americans, Brownsville and the Rio Grande Valley. She speaks of her son, Filemón Vela, Jr., and his wife, Rose Vela, and her involvement in their campaigns for public office in Corpus Christi. Blanca Vela talks about the 1980 appointment of her husband, Filemon Vela, Sr., as a federal judge who, prior to his career on the bench, was active in the Political Association of Spanish-Speaking Organizations (PASSO) and served in public office in Brownsville. She discusses the campaign of her brother-in-law, Moises "Moy" Vela against Ray Ramon, and her support for Republican Tony Garza. Mayor Vela gives her opinion on the political success of Black communities in comparison to that of Mexican-Americans. She also discusses the relationship between the border cities of Brownsville, Texas, and Matamoros, Tamaulipas, Mexico, and the opposing political parties, Partido de Accion Nacional (PAN) and Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) in Mexico. Mayor Vela reiterates her concerns for water conservation and usage pertaining to the Rio Grande and the participation of the city of Brownsville in the American Heritage Rivers Alliance, and discusses potential development for the Palo Alto Battlefield. She finishes the interview by praising Governor Ann Richards for improvements made to the colonia of Cameron Park, Texas
Oral history interview with Irene Fávila by Irene Fávila( Book )
1 edition published in 1998 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Irene Fávila begins with her family background, growing up in a migrant farm family, and working summers in Kansas and Colorado. She details her responsibilities as the oldest of eleven children and her efforts to make her own living apart from the family. She talks about the effect of losing two of her siblings had on her life and refers to her failed first marriage. She speaks at length on her work at Motivation, Education and Training (MET) and recalls how former MET employee, Brian R. Craddock, opened the first Texas Rural Legal Aid (TRLA, which is now a part of Texas Legal Services Union) office in Hereford. She describes several cases involving TRLA's assistance in resolving migrant worker issues, one concerning David Wilder, the president of the First National Bank of Plainview and chairman of the Hale County Housing Authority, and the second involving cropdusting while laborers were present in the fields. She explains the voluntary redistricting conducted in Plainview and gives details about the election campaigns. She comments on getting assistance from the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project and on the election campaign of her husband, Rogelio 'Rocky' Fávila. She recounts an incident of false arrest, discusses the problems of police brutality directed at Hispanics, and assails the nepotism in local law enforcement agencies, but counters with a city scandal that prompted the suspension of Plainview's Chief of Police. She provides statistics of the racial makeup of the city of Plainview and its departments and notes the city's economic growth. She tells about a joint program which she sponsored through the Texas Migrant Council, the YMCA, the Caprock Community Action Association, and the MET to operate children's summer recreation programs. She discusses the undermining of her seat on the Council of Governments by the mayor of Plainview and an accomplice, Daniel Rascón, a vice president of Hill County State Bank and the mayor's zealous denial. She speaks often of the support of Plainview businessman Onofre Hinojosa and frequently mentions fellow city council member Rey Rosas
Oral history interview with Viviano Flores by Viviano Flores( Book )
1 edition published in 1996 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Viviano Flores begins with his personal and family background and recounts his entry into the music industry as a manager. He recounts the failure of the 'Little Joe' club venue, a business venture begun in Pasadena, Texas in the late 1970s to showcase the musical group, Little Joe, Johnny y La Familia. He discusses the start of his own talent agency, Hispanic Talent Unlimited, and his work with the musical group La Mafia in 1987 as their road manager. He tells of his work as a promoter in the Dallas/Fort Worth area and emphasizes learning the legal side of the music business to protect his clients' interests. He attributes the increasing popularity of Tejano music across the United States since the 1950s to the settlement of Mexican-American migrant agricultural workers in major cities, particularly Chicago, Illinois. He gives his opinions of the differences between conjunto, norteño, and Tejano music and comments on the crowd-pleasing performances of guitarist Lorenzo Caballero, singer Isidro Lopez, and late Tejana artist Selena, as well as Selena's role in creating opportunities for women within the male-dominated Tejano music scene. He examines the financial aspects of the music business and mentions Selena's bank the dinos, and her father Abraham Quintanilla, Jr., and his recording company, Q Productions. He notes his work with La Fiebre (The Fever), the New Variety Band, and Naomi/Noemi [sic, Noemy] Esparza and explains the recording options and labels available to Tejano musicians. He explores the possibilities Tejano music artists have to win a Grammy, a Tejano music award, or a Pura Vida Hispanic Music Award and reveals Question Mark and the Mysterians were Mexican American musicians. He talks about scouting bands from South Texas for José Valenzuela to play in Chicago. He comments on a number of Tejano music artists such as Laura Canales, Tony de la Rosa, Paulino Bernal, and Patsy Torres
Oral history interview with Joe Bernal by Joe Bernal( file )
1 edition published in 2003 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Joe Bernal begins with his family history and his perspective of the Catholic relgious culture in San Antonio. He recalls his brothers working for the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) under the Works Progress Administration (WPA) during the Great Depression on projects which included the Alazan-Apache Courts and the San Antonio River Walk (now the Paseo del Rio). He tells about the family's survival after his father's death, discusses the negative effect of school pressure to speak only English, relates an incident of early gang violence, and praises the sports program at the Mexican Christian Institute (later the Inman Christian Center of the Disciples of Christ). He shares his experiences with race discrimination under a training program at Texas Tech University prior to his induction into the U.S. Army and his transfer to the Pacific Air Command, United States Army (PACUSA). He recounts his experiences in Manila, the Philippines, and in Tokyo, Japan, including Emperor Hirohito's daily meeting with General Douglas MacArthur. Dr. Bernal elaborates on his post-war educational choices and attributes efforts of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF) for higher education opportunities in Texas for Mexican Americans. He points to the Good Government League in convincing him to run for public office and to redistricting for aiding his election. He provides details on his election campaigns and campaign finances, and comments on his election opponents David Carter, David Evans, Frank Lombardino, and Nelson Wolfe [sic, Wolff] to whom he lost his senate election in 1972. Dr. Bernal talks about leaving state politics and returning to school administration prior to his election to the Texas State Board of Education. He reports on his meeting in Rio Grande City with Benito Rodríguez who was assaulted by Texas Ranger Captain Alfred Y. Allee, cites the court case against the Texas Rangers in the abuse of United Farm Workers organizer Francisco 'Pancho' Medrano in South Texas, and describes his own confrontation with Allee. He explains the formation of the Mexican American Democrats of Texas (MAD) and of the Tejano Democrats and discusses the Raza Unida party. He mentions such prominent Mexican Americans as Henry B. Gonzalez, Juan Maldonado, Tony Sanchez, Albert Peña, and José Luís Tovar
Oral history interview with Richard Moya by R De Moya( Book )
1 edition published in 2003 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Richard Moya begins with his family background and the predominantly Mexican American neighborhood centered around Our Lady of Guadalupe Catholic Church and the Austex Chili canning factory (now a brand of Castleberry Food Company). He explains the church's move to east Austin and the growth of the Mexican American neighborhood of La Buena Vista. He assails the racial segregation within the Austin Independent School District (AISD) and relates his mother's battle with AISD for admission to the "Anglo" school. He talks about the family's business ventures and defines the boundaries of Austin's African American and Mexican American neighborhoods. He reveals his personal experiences with race discrimination and discusses the alternative newspaper he and his friends published with the help of Raul Guerrero. He shares his enthusiasm for the Junior League of United Latin American Citizens Council which he formed with fellow students and its spinoff organization, the Century Club. He notes his election as National Director of Youth Activities for LULAC and recounts an incident he and Felix Tijerina endured during a LULAC convention in Lubbock, Texas. He recalls his service with the National Guard, his enlistment in the U.S. Army, and his service in Korea. He talks about his career as a printer, working for a union shop, and conveys his excitement at becoming chief investigator for the Legal Aid and Defender Society of Travis County with the assistance of John Treviño. He comments on the redrawing of Travis County district boundaries and the reactions of incumbent County Commissioner Lawson Boothe, whom he defeated in 1970, attributing the support of striking workers of the Economy Furniture Company (Economy Furniture Industries liquidated in 2003) and residents of the Govalle neighborhood for his victory. He talks at length about his role as County Commissioner, his sucess at increasing minority hiring through Affirmative Action, and his hiring practices as Travis County Commissioner, but blames his county election loss in 1986 on opposition from environmentalists. He discusses his introduction of a program in Montopolis (fully annexed in the 1970s by the city of Austin) to combat teenage drug abuse, praises County Judge Mike Renfro who took the bench in 1974, and exposes a racist incident involving Commissioner of Agriculture Bo Brown. He elaborates on the formation of the Mexican American Democrats of Texas (MAD) and their choice of Joe Bernal as their president, and discusses his association with Gonzalo Barrientos. Moya speaks of his selection as a delegate for George S. McGovern at the 1972 Democratic National Convention and his stint as MAD chairman from 1981 to 1983. He talks about his brief career as a Bastrop real estate developer during the massive savings and loan failures across Texas and his role as Director of Field Operations for Commissioner of Agriculture Jim Hightower. He speaks at length about accompanying Governor Richards to South Texas as one of her three Deputy Chiefs of Staff, along with Carl Ritchie and Joe Anderson, and recounts the split within MAD that led to the creation of the Tejano Democrats. He gives his opinions on a number of prominent Mexican Americans including Dan Morales, Juan Maldonado, Henry B. Gonzalez, Tony Sanchez, and Victor Morales
Oral history interview with Marc Campos by Marc Campos( file )
1 edition published in 1996 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Marc Campos begins with his family's background and describes the activities of his dad, Tony Campos, and his dad's coworker, Felix Tijerina, in the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC). He notes Tijerina was the founder of Felix's Mexican Restaurant chain in Houston and created the School of Four Hundred for teaching basic English. He attributes his interest in politics to his dad's involvement in Viva Kennedy Clubs and campaign support of Waggoner Carr and Lloyd Bentsen. Marc Campos reveals his own awareness of the racial segregation in the schools and recounts details of a race riot at his high school. He shares the pivotal moment he became personally involved in the political arena with the Frances Sissy Farenthold campaign for governor of Texas and his work in the in the George S. McGovern presidential campaign. He talks about his associations with his contemporaries Rick Hernández, Richard Moya and John Castillo and gives his opinion on prominent political figures Dolph Briscoe and Texas Democratic Party chairman Calvin Guest. He comments on his work with Ben T. Reyes and Leonel Castillo, states his preference for working within the Democratic Party rather than with the Raza Unida Party, and comments on his growing realization of the Chicano movement. He elaborates upon the founding of the Mexican American Democrats of Texas (MAD) with Gonzalo Barrientos and Grace García and that group's support for Sargent Shriver for president. He tells about a confrontation at a MAD convention between supporters for Albert Bustamante and supporters for Leonel J. Castillo, Joe Bernal and Alicia Chacón, and expresses his frustration when working in South Texas for MAD. He skirts his involvement in an Federal Bureau of Investigation inquiry at the request of Luis Díaz de León, during the time Díaz de León campaigned against Robert Krueger for U.S. Senate. He contrasts presidential appointments made under several administrations, noting particularly those under Jimmy Carter. He covers the period when he was chairman of the Mexican American Democrats and garnered support for Edward Kennedy's nomination as the Democratic candidate prior to the 1980 elections. He credits Hispanic participation in the 1982 Texas gubernatorial campaigns for increased administrative opportunities for Mexican Americans in Texas government and cites the example of Nora Linares as head of Texas Lottery and the first woman to chair MAD. He gives details about working for Texas Governor Mark White as a special assistant for legislation, noting the race discrimation he experienced in that role, and relates his part in a number of campaigns in the elections of Ben T. Reyes, Al Luna, and Roman Martínez. He reveals the conflicts within MAD, including a confrontation between Richard Moya and Juan Maldonado, and the split that led to the formation of the Tejano Democrats. He concludes with comments on his work for Mexico in promoting the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
Oral history interview with Rafael Anchia by Rafael Anchia( file )
1 edition published in 2003 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Rafael Anchia begins with his family's history and his educational background. He compares the makeup of the Hispanic community of Dallas, Texas with that of Miami, Florida and discusses Dallas Independent School District (DISD) redistricting options for Mexican American and African American communities in Dallas. He mentions Oak Cliff resident Ramiro López and notes the lack of cohesion among the Hispanic community and throughout Dallas in general. He explains his preference for the Democratic Party and applauds the work of the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials (NALEO). He speaks at length on his accomplishments as a DISD board member and expresses particular concern for recruiting bilingual teachers and decreasing the drop out rate. He talks about his exposure to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) while working with former Texas Secretary of State David Dean and details his wife's family's political connections in South Texas, specifically referring to his father-in-law, Horacio Ramírez. He tells about creating the Southern Dallas Leadership Forum to mentor students at Sunset and Adamson High Schools and contrasts the bilingual education program in Dallas with that of Dade County, Florida. He argues against the voucher system as a means of improving educational opportunities in Texas and debates the validity of the Texas Education Agency's assessment tests. He tells about his campaign finances and comments on prominent Mexican American politicos Henry Cisneros and Tony Sánchez
Oral history interview with Carlos Truan by Carlos Truan( Archival Material )
1 edition published in 1998 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Senator Truan discusses being raised by a single mother in Kingsville, Texas, and the various jobs he held to contribute to the support of the family and to pay for his college education. He reveals his early exposure to politics and to prejudice in his many successful campaigns for student office. He describes his work as an insurance salesman in South Texas and his active participation in many organizations and actions in support of Mexican Americans. Truan expresses his opinion on the rivalry for leadership of Texas Mexican Americans between Dr. Hector García and William Bonilla. Senator Truan talks about his campaigns as a Democrat for state representative and state senator, provides his reasons for running for the offices, and summarizes his accomplishments in each body. He states his view that the meaning of the Raza Unida political movement is larger than the political party of the same name, and discusses the effects of his political involvement. He attributes his own freedom to be outspoken on political issues to the flexibility of his employment as an insurance agent, and gives succinct answers to questions about Mexican American leadership, Mexican American organizations, and ethnic relations
Oral history interview with Cristina Garza Zamora by Cristina Garza Zamora( Book )
1 edition published in 1998 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Cristina Garza Zamora discusses her family's active involvement in the New Braunfels community. She talks about redistricting the precincts in Comal County, her reasons for running for office, and the expense accounts for the county commissioners. She alludes to the political power of the New Braunfels Chamber of Commerce, tells about her work with fellow commissioners Danny Shell and Jack Dawson and county judge Carter Casteel, and gives details about the changes she has brought about in the local park system. She refers to her work with the Faust Street Bridge project on the historic Camino Real (also known as the Old San Antonio Road), talks about her family's land holdings, and shares her concerns over her husband's illness. She comments on work of the Comal Independent Men's Association and mentions prominent New Braunfels Mexican Americans Lorenzo Camarillo and Cookie Barbosa
Oral history interview with Rosie Castro by Rosie Castro( file )
1 edition published in 1996 in English and held by 1 library worldwide
Rosie Castro begins with her family background, her activities in school, and her growing awareness in the civil rights movement. She describes her growing interest in politics during her college years, crediting Margaret Kramer for that interest. She covers many aspects of the Chicano Movement and speaks freely about prominent Mexican American political figures Henry Cisneros and Henry B. Gonzales. She recalls the political gatherings at Kramer's Polish Restaurant and her involvement in the Committee for Barrio Betterment. She refers to her participation in an unsuccessful migrant education project in Michigan arranged through the Texas Institute for Educational Development and reveals the circumstances of her arrest during the 1970 boycott of the San Antonio Savings Association, which was owned by San Antonio's mayor, Walter McAllister. She refers to an incident at St. Mary's University involving Albert Garza Bustamante and George Velásquez and assails the Good Government League. She laments the failure of Mexican American candidates, including herself, to win in city elections before single-member districts were institituted and attributes the involvement of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF) in achieving success at creating those districts. She discusses the activities of Communities Organized for Public Service (COPS) and notes a number of candidates recruited to run by the Raza Unida Party. She elaborates on her personal life and her relationship with Jesse Guzmán, a pariticipant in Colegio Jacinto Trevino, and her own work with the Mexican American Equal Rights Project at St. Mary's University. Ms. Castro mentions a number of Mexican American newspapers and hints at her involvement in the Universidad de los Barrios. She bemoans the diverging attitudes toward male and female candidates over abortion issues, citing the election race between Nelson Wolfe and Maria Antonietta Berriozábal, and discusses the 'glass ceiling' and sexual discrimination in the workplace. She reviews a number of election campaigns of Mexican American men and reveals her opinion as to why they lost their elections. She talks about Hispanas Unidas and the Mexican American Democrats, highlighting a number of Mexican American women who were successful at winning their elections. She points out the work of the Coalition for Hispanic Women Leaders, a group concerned with domestic violence she helped organize, as well as the work of Blandina 'Bambi' Cardenas Ramírez with the Tejano Democrats. Rosie Castro shares her opinion as to why the Raza Unida Party deteriorated, pointing to socialist encroachment and possible interference from United States Department of Justice informers. She provides her insight on the election of Irma Mireles to the board of the San Antonio River Authority, on a runoff election between Al Peeler and María Antonietta Berriozábal, and on Berriozábal's bid for mayor of San Antonio. She gives highlights of her graduate studies and her internship with the city of San Antonio where she helped organize the Hispanic Municipal Women's Association. She covers a number of issues pertinent to San Antonio, including controversy over the Edwards Acquifier and the closure of Kelly Air Force Base. She mentions other prominent Mexican Americans such as her colleague Choco González Meza and Ruben Sandoval
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